Barricades, bullets, media blackout signal Kenya's descent into repression

In a show of brute force and fear-driven control, the State responded to youth-led protests with tactics that critics say mirror the behaviour of authoritarian regimes.

What began as a call for reform degenerated into chaos, exposing President William Ruto’s underbelly and his government’s penchant for excessive force and willingness to use crude and violent methods to silence dissent, raising questions about the future of democracy in Kenya.

From rolling out razor-sharp spiral wire around Parliament and State House, aerial surveillance to unleashing excessive police force that left 15 protesters dead, blocking motorists from accessing Nairobi Central Business District. Nothing was left to chance. The city was in lock down, roads leading to the CBD were blocked, passengers ordered out of public service vehicles in scenarios reminiscent of 1982 during the abortive coup.

The State’s strategy was clear; containing the uprising by any means necessary.

As demonstrators poured into the streets to demand justice for 62 youthful Kenyans felled by police bullets a year ago, they were met not with dialogue, but with tear gas, bullets.

A blanket of darkness was flung over the country momentarily after the government yanked off TV signals broadcasting the unfolding revolution live to a shocked world as gunshots ruled in the ensuing media blackout.

The youth’s outcry against poor governance, police brutality, unemployment, and the rising cost of living was met with the cold steel of repression literally, stinging water canons and bullets. Wooden clubs too came in handy to hasten the pace of the fleeing protesters unlucky enough to be cornered.   

State House

The image of a razor-sharp wire was as startling as it was symbolic. Two layered long coils of razor-sharp wire barricaded Parliament and State House, fencing off the very institutions that represent the people. It was a throwback to the concentration camps of the Nazi German under Adolf Hitler in World War II as they were used as a deterrent to escape. 

Parliament is a symbol of public representation and the powers donated by Kenyans who have surrendered their collective will to be governed. “For Just Governance of men” has been the guiding spirit of the August house for the last 62 years  but on Wednesday dawn, the military-grade barriers were put on the roads leading to institution effectively putting a “wall between the people and power”.

State House too,  the symbolic seat of power where the President resides was equally garlanded by rolls of shining razor wires and armoured tanks, and security agents armed to teeth.

Although the use of razor wire as a security measure seemed practical, it carries a heavy historical power.

Historically, a razor wire was used as a tool of inhibiting freedom and over time, it became a global symbol of exclusion and State violence, often associated with conflict zones, in concentration and detention camps; and regimes that fear their own people.

In some countries, the razor is used as a deterrent for hardened criminals in high-security prisons. In Kenya, it was used to fence off democracy.

According to Kamau Ngugi, the Executive Director of Defenders Coalition, the use of a razor wire outside Parliament and State House during protests painted a stark picture of the government appearing barricaded from the very citizens it was elected to serve.

Kamau indicated that the move violated Article 1 of the Constitution that allows people to exercise their sovereign power either directly or through their democratically elected representatives.

He added that by barricading the Parliament, the State also violated Article 37 which guarantees the right to assemble, demonstrate, picket, and present petitions to public authorities peacefully and unarmed.

“They are public institutions because they belong to the people,” said Ngugi.

Ironically, the wire was metres away the  mausoleum  of founding President Jomo Kenyatta who together with other freedom fighters and millions of Kenyans had had similar high handed mistreatment by the colonial government which ultimately crumbled from the enduring resistance.

The razor wire was only one part of a broader state strategy that leaned heavily on intimidation.

On the streets, police used excessive force, with live ammunition fired into crowds, leaving several young protesters dead.

Davis Malombe, executive director Kenya Human Rights Commission described the use of harsh tactics to silence dissent as an act of political authoritarianism, stating that they only pushed the people to reiterate.

“This is a regime which has no respect for principles of governance, people’s rights, the rule of law and constitutionalism. That is basically a complete dictatorship,” said Malombe.

“Kenya has that character of organising and mobilising. So the more you make life difficult for Kenyans, the more Kenyans remain determined to overcome the adversities.”

He went on, “And then you can also see the way young people are operating. They are extremely determined, and they’re extremely fearless. They are more determined and more spirited when it comes to getting into this game of political liberation in the country.” Still, the government escalated its clampdown, this time targeting the media.

Communications Authority of Kenya Director General, David Mugonyi, issued a directive barring three major TV stations — KTN, NTV and K24 — from broadcasting the protests live.

The directive was swiftly suspended by Justice Chacha Mwita in a case filed by the Law Society of Kenya (LSK), who termed the action unlawful and unconstitutional.

Live coverage

“A conservatory order is hereby issued suspending, with immediate effect, the directive or any other directive issued by the Communications Authority of Kenya to all television and radio stations directing them to stop live coverage of the demonstrations of June 25, 2025 or any other demonstrations, until the hearing and determination of the application and petition,” ruled Justice Mwita.

He added: “Any broadcasting signals that may have been switched off as a result of the referenced directive be restored with immediate effect, pending further orders of the court.”

LSK argued that the directive was illegal and excessive, and intended to shield police from scrutiny during the protests.

Katiba Institute and the Kenya Human Rights Commission warned that such gag orders dangerously weaken democratic accountability and create a climate in which police violence can flourish unchecked.

“Media freedom and the right to protest are pillars of Kenya’s democracy,” they said in a joint statement.

“Gagging the press violates not only media rights but also the public’s right to know and hold power accountable.”

However, the suppression of the people did not end there. Senior government officials fanned the flames.

The language used by officials seemed less focused on calming tensions and more on inflaming them, ignoring the fact that most of those in the streets were young, jobless Kenyans demanding a better future.

Remarks by President Ruto’s chief economic advisor, David Ndii, branding protesting youth as “stupid” and warning them of potential casualties in future demonstrations triggered uproar.

“Let me tell you some home truths, you stupid young people. There will be no unconstitutional change of government in Kenya,” he wrote.

“You allow yourself to be weaponised by self-seekers, there’ll be casualties,” Ndii posted on X on June 23 responding to growing youth-led dissent against the government.

Even more worrying is the lack of acknowledgement or condemnation from the Cabinet Secretary for Interior Kipchumba Murkomen on killings, sending a chilling message on continued impunity under the protection of the state.

“Since there is no one who is going to defend our police officers, I want to speak authoritatively here and say that I will defend them. Thank you for the job well done,” he said.